What to do, if there is a problem, is especially contentious. How does a government frame policy in response to uncertainties of man-made climate change and its impact? What should the Abbott government do?

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Former Rudd cabinet minister Tanya Plibersek blithely scored her party “nine out of 10 for governing the country, (but) none out of 10 for governing ourselves”. Others remarked that no cabinet minister had lost their seat. True, but many resigned months ago. As former Howard government minister Peter Reith remarked, “it was as if the policies never counted”.

But policies do count and their competent implementation counts even more. The mandate from the electorate on boats, carbon pricing, the mining tax and reducing debt is crystal clear.

Tony Abbott will be judged on the competent implementation of those policies, and more besides.

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The Kennett government in Victoria had to clean up the Cain-Kirner mess, as is the Newman government in Queensland cleaning up the Beattie-Bligh debt. The first recommendations of the Queensland Commission of Audit to the Newman government in February were to arrest the deterioration in the state’s financial position and to pay down debt to regain the Queensland government’s triple-A credit rating. Will an Abbott government have to do the same for Rudd-Gillard? Reluctantly, of course it will, but how quickly?

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The business of repairing the federal government’s own accounts will be long and gruelling, but it is not the same as building conditions for wealth creation. The ease of doing business in Australia is declining. This decline must be reversed.

The Abbott government needs to work on two tiers – in two teams – to reverse the decline. In order to remain in government, the first tier must repair the budget and solve important headline issues such as boatpeople and abolishing the carbon tax and allied programs. The second tier must work away in the background, reinventing government.

Government is not simply a cash cow for electoral sweeteners, nor is it a Keynesian plaything. Its major purpose should be to assist where the market and individuals cannot reasonably be expected to cope: call them market and personal failures.

Where these are not warranted, it should get the hell out.

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Unfortunately, Rudd has never had any idea what he was doing in office. I submit three case studies to prove the point.

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He can’t stop the boats, although he started them. He can’t balance the books, although he spent the money. He can’t deliver prosperity because he can’t say no to unions. He can’t scrap the carbon tax by renaming it a carbon price.

But, most of all, Kevin can’t deliver his promise, that a vote for Kevin is a vote for Kevin. Kevin can’t deliver the rule that caucus can’t remove the leader without a 75 per cent majority. Caucus can, and if it thinks fit, will remove a prime minister.

Kevin can’t because he is full of cant – corniness, insincerity, and tokenism.

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The Roman myth is the same except Narcissus simply wastes away, dying of starvation and thirst because he cannot bring himself to leave his reflection.

How will Australia’s own Narcissus, Kevin Rudd, meet his end? He has already been stabbed. I doubt he will starve to death.

There is another version. When Narcissus died, the goddesses of the forest found that the freshwater lake that he knelt beside to observe himself had been transformed into a lake of salty tears. I think that, in the end, Australia’s Narcissus, Rudd, will drown in Labor’s tears.

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